Unemployment and its Effect on Consumer Spending Term Paper

Unemployment and its Effect on Consumer Spending - Term Paper Example Unemployment and its effect on Consumer Spending Unemployment has been a major issue that has been prevailing in every country’s economy since the global economic recession hit the world during the year 2007.This is calculated by the dividing the total number of unemployed population with that of the employed ones in the country. Unemployment within a country can bring upon many different negative issues within an economy and this could further deteriorate the country’s performance. Consumer spending is an issue that is considered to have an inverse relationship with unemployment. This relation can be graphically presented as follows: Consumer spending is the total aggregate demand of goods and services within an economy. Consumer spending, in simpler terms, can be referred to as the expenditure made by an individual. Consumer spending usually gets affected by different factors prevailing within an economy. There are many different factors that can vary the level of consumer spending. Unemployment has brought upon sev ere effects on consumer spending within the entire world. An increase in the level of unemployment was seen when the recession hit within the 2007, although this recession is considered to be the second recession within the same decade i.e. 2000 – 2010, it had severe negative effects. The reason that the 1st recession was less damaging was because during that period i.e. 2001-2002, people carried out their respective expenditure trends because they availed the mortgage facility. On the other hand, consumer spending was severely affected during the second recession period i.e. 2007.... Although the Bureau of Labor Statistics within the United States showed a reduction in the unemployment rate i.e. a fall of 0.4%, people still find it really difficult to find jobs within the country. According to many different commentators, the figures provided by the Bureau of Labor Statistics do not prove to be closer to reality. According to these commentators, an average unemployed worker approximately needs 33 weeks to find a job for himself. Such fall back and deteriorating facts contrast the figures provided by the Bureau of Labor Statistics and it is for this reason that many commentators have considered it to be bias (Jacob, 2011). The recent unemployment rate within the United States can be graphically shown as below (WSJ, 2012) This increase in the rate of unemployment has led to a reduction in the consumer spending level within the United States. Unemployment and consumer spending have contrasting issues i.e. they are inversely proportional. An increase in the level of unemployment would definitely reduce the level of consumer spending within an economy. Consumer spending is a necessary element that is required to stimulate an economy and it is for this reason, many governments try to put in proper monetary and fiscal policies that may increase consumer spending in order to reduce inflation and maintain other economic factors within a country. The United States consumer spending level has not been pleasing during the past few years. According to the US Commerce Department, the consumer spending has risen by just a minute 0.1%. This increase has been considered to be really low as opposed to the predictions made by the US Commerce department. The United States

Abolition Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Abolition - Research Paper Example Various activities supported this principle aimed at achieving that goal. The concept is historical because all countries in the world have abolished slavery, as many international organizations among them the United Nations require member countries to ratify abolitionism. Abolitionism was a major reform movement in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The doctrine to end slavery was to free millions of black people detained and used as slaves across the world. Other terms refer to abolitionism among them abolition movement and antislavery movement. The movement started by Africans resisting slave trade and slavery, eighteenth century notions regarding universally acceptable human rights, changing ideas in interpreting Christian morality, and changes in the economy status of the world (Oakes, 2013). This led to abolitionists dividing into two extremes with one group advocating for immediate end to slavery and slave trade while others fought for gradual end to the same. In the mid nineteenth century, the terminology abolitionism referred to the struggle to end slavery immediately. Early stages In the entire America and Western Europe, abolitionism was a rights movement whose proponents wanted to end set slave trade and in the process set slaves free. Bartholomew de las Casas, a Dominican priest influenced Spain to become the first European nation to legislate laws that legally abolished slavery by 1542. However, three years down the line, pressure from the bourgeoisie who were the beneficiaries forced the same country to weaken the laws reversing the gains made by early abolitionists. Evangelical Christians and Quakers fought hard against slave trade and slavery in the seventeenth century terming them un-Christian acts. The movement gained momentum in eighteenth century when rational thinkers among the elite in the society accused the beneficiaries calling the entire process a violation of human rights. It is important to note that although early abolitionis ts put in a lot of effort, the gains were not immediate as centers of slavery still existed. Centers were in Countries in South America and United States as well West Indies. The movement started in England after the Somerset’s case of 1772. Eight years later the state of Pennsylvania enacted laws that aimed at the gradual end to slavery within its area of jurisdiction (Wilson, 1990). Although there was no official law abolishing slavery in Massachusetts, the promulgation of the Massachusetts constitution ended slavery. The European colonization of countries in America increased the dependence on race-based slavery where Africans and their descendants were forced to work the farms. The process reached its apex in the sixteen century. This degree reached Great Britain’s North American colonies in the mid seventeen century. These countries later become the United States. Antislavery movements started because of the rights denied to slaves and other inhumane acts. In the United States for instance, slaves lost customary rights, passed their un-free status over to their children and respective descendants, and served for life. Individual efforts of the enslaved to free from slavery included self-purchase, escape, rebellion, and seeking redress from courts. Some of the early major revolts were in America as early as the first decade of the eighteenth century in South Carolina and New York City. Major efforts towards resistance to abolish slavery and slave trade from organizations in the United States came from Quakers, the Society of Friends who believed and spread the idea that slavery was physically dangerous and sinful to both the victim and the beneficiary. Leaders of the society including Antony Benezet from Pennsylvania and John Woolman from New Jersey

Soft drink Essay Example for Free

Soft drink Essay The use of energy drinks in the United States has increased more than the controversial consumption of regular sodas. According to Coca-Cola executives, profits from energy products since 2005 through 2008 will total $540 million, compared with $210 million for regular soft drinks, $130 million for bottled water and $290 million for sports drinks (Warner). So what is it about this drinks that make them more popular than our pure and vital water? The answer is very simple; our hectic lifestyles. Today’s society is filled with exhaustion and high stress levels; many people rely on energy drinks to give them that second wind, which helps them stay awake through a test, and even revive them for a party. According to Simmons Research, thirty-one percent of teenagers in the United States say they drink energy drinks on a regular basis. People use energy drinks to boost their energy so they can be able to perform better, but because energy drinks contain ingredients that harm the human body they should be banned all over the world. There are some factors that increase the popularity of energy drinks. For example the easy to grab structure in which they are packed. The small container makes it quick to drink down, and the smaller scale gives the impression that the contents are more concentrated, which attracts the consumer even more. The color of the energy drinks is another reason for their popularity; a combination of bright and vivid colors such as acidic greens and yellows, black and red suggest a sense of energy and high performance. The mystery flavor in energy drinks is another reason why these drinks are consumed in excess. Compared to a typical juice offering, there is little or nothing about energy drink packaging to tell the consumer what the product tastes like. Instead, the graphic emphasis is more on the consumers sensibilities and attitude than flavor or thirst (Patterns). It is pathetic to see how big companies and manufacturers of these products use the ignorance and lack of knowledge of people to make a profit. Unfortunately we cannot victimize ourselves and blame everything on them. We are responsible for what we do and I believe that we should do some research before we buy a product that is obviously not natural at all. Energy drinks are made up of caffeine, taurine, guarana, ginseng, ginkgo, ephedrine, B vitamins and many other sugars. Caffeine is one of the most active ingredients in energy drinks; it is a psychoactive substance found in the beans, leaves and fruit of over 60 plants; it stimulates the nervous and cardiovascular system. Taurine is an amino acid that our body naturally produces, but in energy drinks the taurine is a synthetic element. It helps regulate heartbeat, muscle contractions, and energy levels. Usually our body makes enough so that we don’t need to supplement. Guarana is derived from South America plants and it contains approximately three times more caffeine than coffee beans. It stimulates the central nervous system, cardiac muscle, as well as the respitarory system. B vitamins help convert sugar to energy. Ginseng is an herbal stimulant used to cure, from stress to poor memory to diabetes. Gingko is another herbal stimulant that is used to treat memory loss, headaches, ringing in the ears and depression. Ephedrine is a stimulant, used as a decongestant in treatments of asthma. The chemical structure is similar to amphetamines and methamphetamines. This stimulant is found in weight loss pills, it speeds up metabolism by causing energy that is acquired from food to burn faster. These ingredients do not sound harmful at all. Many of them are natural and even beneficial for our health. So why have energy drinks been banned in a few countries? Lets me now introduce to you the negative sides of all these ingredients. According to Roland Griffiths, a professor in behavioral biology, the amount of caffeine that is necessary to produce dependency and withdrawal symptoms is about 100 milligrams a day. A can of energy drink has 80 to 160 milligrams (Warner). Some of the side effects that the use of caffeine creates are dependency, diarrhea, copious urination and headaches. It also increases the heart rate, blood flow, respiratory rate, and metabolic rate for several hours. Caffeine causes anxiety, irritability, high sensitivity to noise, and self-mutilations. There are four caffeine-induced psychiatric disorders recognized by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition: caffeine-induce anxiety disorder, caffeine-induced sleep disorder, and caffeine-related disorder not otherwise specified (NOS). Caffeine is also associated with a high risk of developing Parkinson’s disease in men. The side-effects that taurine causes are almost the same as caffeine, but many people claim that it kills your heart, since it is found in the central nervous system, skeletal and is more heavily concentrated in heart tissues and the brain. Taurine found in energy drinks is a synthetic vitamin that does not perform the same functions in the human body as vitamins found naturally in whole food nutrients would. These vitamins actually deplete the body of other nutrients, and overstretch your kidneys before being excreted through the urine. The side effects of Ginseng are nervousness, insomnia, and diarrhea. The effects of ginkgo are restlessness, upset stomach, diarrhea, and vomiting. A soft drink usually has 19 to 25 grams of sugar in each eight-ounce serving. Energy drinks on average contain more than this. Red Bull, for example, contains 27 grams of sugar per serving of 250 milliliters (a little over eight ounces). This can be very dangerous, for an overload of sugar can lead to gastric emptying. This often results in nausea and vomiting. As it was stated above each of the ingredients that a energy drink contain have several and powerful side effects when taken separately, imagine how dangerous they be can when taken all at the same time. People are using energy drinks as an alternate for proper rest, nutrition, and exercise like the spokeswoman for the American Dietetic Association, Roberta Anding said (Ellis). Many health problems can develop from the lack of proper rest like a weakened immune system, depression, high blood pressure, obesity, and diabetes. The best substitute of energy drinks is water. Our body is 55 to 75 percent made out of water and its benefits are countless. Water improves energy, increases mental and physical performance, removes toxins and waste products from the body, keeps the skin healthy and glowing, helps to lose weight, reduces headaches and dizziness, helps digestion, helps the heart work better, reduces stress, and prevents urinary tract infections by flushing out impurities from the body. Many people that do not like to drink water can replace the energy drinks with natural juices such as orange which are 87 percent water or by eating cucumbers which are 95 percent water. Milk is another liquid that can replace energy drinks. Milk is our first source of nutrition when we are born; we are fed with this liquid before he can digest other food. Milk is made out of saturated fat, protein, calcium and vitamin C. Saturated fat provides the building blocks for cell membranes and it also acts as a carrier for vitamins A, D, E and K. This fat makes the lungs healthier, prevents stroke, and protects kidneys from diseases. Calcium makes up 70 percent of the bone weight and gives it strength and rigidity. Vitamin C helps the body produce a basic component of connective tissues called collagen. Collagen is an important element in the blood vessel walls, gums, and bones. Vitamin C functions as an antioxidant, it helps boost immune function protects against cancer, cataracts, deterioration of the retina, and other chronic diseases. Nowadays we live in a society that is always on the go and we are always looking for ways to get more energy to be able to get through school, work or any other duties that we may have. But putting our lives in danger by consuming energy drinks is not worth it. The government should definitely do something about it instead of letting some people get rich by the ignorance and lack of knowledge of most of the people that consume these harmful drinks. Works Cited Clayton, Lawrence. Amphetamines and Other Stimulants. New York: The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc. , 1998. Ellis, Steven. Energy drinks bubble up. The Christian Science Monitor. 7 June 2007. 20 November 2007 Goldish, Meish. The Dangers of Herbal Stimulants. New York: The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc. , 1998. Gustafson, C. J. The Health Benefits Of Drinking Water. 2005. 22 November 2007 Warner, Melanie. A Jolt of Caffeine, by the Can. New York Times 23 Nov. 2005. 20 November 2007.

Are Muslim Communities Affected By Counter Terrorism Legislation Criminology Essay

Are Muslim Communities Affected By Counter Terrorism Legislation Criminology Essay This paper looks to critically evaluate whether Muslim communities have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation in the UK as part of a literature review in serving to prepare for a much larger piece of work. This work consists of considering whether these community members have been effectively radicalised leading to extremism either within the local community or in the UK at large. It is also necessary to evaluate the way in which views in this regard that have been put forward by academics have developed as a result of the laws that have been implemented to date in the UK. Muslim; Counter-Terrorism; Legislation Critically evaluate whether Muslin Communities have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation In seeking to critically evaluate whether Muslim communities have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation in the United Kingdom (UK), it is necessary for this literature review to consider whether these community members have been effectively radicalised leading to extremism either within the local community or in the society at large. Moreover, there is also a need to examine as to how security agencies approaches are implemented and applied and consider new methods that will serve to impact upon professional practice in relation to the legislation that has been enacted both in the UK and at the international level. In addition, it will also be recognised as to how this has led to claims from within Muslim communities that the tactics currently used by the police are heavy handed and, as a result, counter-productive. Finally, this literature review will conclude with a summary of the key points derived from this discussion in relation to as to whether and how Muslim communiti es have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation enacted both in the UK and internationally. With a view to assessing whether Muslim Communities have been affected by the introduction of counter-terrorism legislation, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 7/7 in the UK and 9/11 in the US New Terror discourse, the prevention of violent extremism has become one of the most significant issues for policy makers throughout the western world and, for the purposes of this discussion, the UK. In what is clearly a significantly heightened security context, Muslim communities have become an enhanced focal point for the UK with a multi-layered, multi-agency approach (Home Office, 2008). Currently there are at least 2 million Muslims resident in the UK making the Islamic faith the largest outside of Christians with almost half actually having been born in the UK (Bunglawala, Halstead, Malik Spalek, 2004), but the community is becoming more diverse with over 50 nationalities represented and 70 languages spoken (Khan, 2004). However, Muslim communities constitute some of the most deprived in the UK with almost a third of those able to work having no qualifications so that, as a result, many children experience high levels of risk associated with child poverty (Bunglawala, Halstead, Malik Spalek, 2004) because adults are three times more likely to be unemployed than Christians (Yunas Samad Sen, 2007). Nevertheless, such policy developments are illustrative of the apparent need to develop and support strategies based upon the maxim of counter-terrorism that communities defeat terrorism (Briggs, Fieschi Lownsbrough, 2006). But although counter-terrorism policies have been dominated by hard-sided strategies involving surveillance, the gathering of intelligence, the use of informants and the implementation of anti-terror laws under the Pursue strand of the governments CONTEST (and CONTEST Two) counter-terrorism strategy (Her Majestys Government, 2006), the ascendancy of a community centred notion of counter-terrorism has seen greater prominence given to an agenda based upon being able to Prevent terrorism (Home Office, 2008). In view of this shift towards interaction and engagement with citizens, policy makers within the UK government have placed the police and other enforcement authorities at the forefront of this work regarding the need to look to follow a strategy based on the nee d to Pursue terrorists along with the need to Prevent terrorism whereby the police are working with Muslim communities in order to help prevent violent extremism (Lowe Innes, 2008). The implementation of New Terror discourses in the UK are founded upon the recognition and construction of Muslim minorities as being comprised of communities at risk from violent extremism. In particular young Muslim men constitute a problem group and are recognised as being the predominant targets of anti-terrorist legislation and counter-terrorism surveillance policing in countries including the UK (Poynting Mason, 2006). With this in mind, the following issues were raised by participants in an effort to more effectively explain the negative impact of discourse and practice (a) Hard policing including increased stop and search, high profile raids, and the perception of an increase in aggressive attempts at recruiting informers to then lead to a greater sense of grievance amongst Muslims so they are perceived as suspect communities; (b) suspicion is detrimental to both an individual and their familys life since they may suffer job losses, family and community breakdowns, as well as mental health issues; (c) individuals have argue their experience of anti-terror laws has reduced their motivation to look to engage with state authorities with a view to improving relations; and (d) individuals feel pressurised to explain their Muslim identities in relation to the concept of Britishness (University of Birmingham/Arts Humanities Research Council, 2008). Under sections 62 and 63 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (along with section 17 of the Terrorism Act 2006) the UK appears to have asserted universal jurisdiction over a whole array of terrorist offences meaning anyone who commits any of these offences anywhere in the world so as to impact in some way upon the UK will fall within UK authorities jurisdiction (Sibbel, 2006-2007). In addition, under the Anti Terrorism, Crime Security Act 2001, a religiously aggravated element to crime has been introduced, which involves imposing higher penalties upon offenders who are motivated by religious hatred. On this basis, Islamophobia has become a significant issue for individuals and even whole communities living in the UK with instances including (a) being verbally and physically abused; (b) being threatened; (c) being physically assaulted; and (d) having homes or cars firebombed or attacked with acid. The problem is the reporting of actions that may be considered tantamount to Islamophobia is rare since it is considered the norm rather than the exception for both individuals and whole communities because they do not want to create a fuss around their experiences (University of Birmingham/Arts Humanities Research Council, 2008). A survey by several Muslim groups found that since 9/11, 80% of Muslim respondents reported being subjected to some form of Islamophobia, whilst 68% felt they had been perceived and treated differently and 32% reported being subjected to discrimination (Forum Against Islam phobia Racism, Al-Khoei Foundation the Muslim College, 2004). Some have also argued young Muslim men suffer disproportionately as the new folk devils of popular and media imagination (Alexander, 2000). More generally, however, it is also to be appreciated that a whole succession of opinion polls have shown many Muslims are uncomfortable with life in the UK (Pew Global Attitudes Project, 2006). In addition, there is an ongoing and concerted campaign against Islamism by a coalition of both left and right that have criticised the UK government for what they call a policy of appeasement. Martin Bright of the New Statesman claimed these organisations were engaged in a sophisticated strategy of implanting Islamist ideo logy among young Muslims in Western Europe (Bright, 2007). But, although the reality is that Islamism is not inherently violent, these nuances are rarely acknowledged and casual links are made between these groups and more specific concerns about violent extremism. Further concerns have then arisen from the fact there are some substantial concerns the definition of terrorism under the terms of the Terrorism Act 2000 (now Terrorism Act 2006) is too vague and excessively broad. The main reason for this is that the Terrorism Act 2000 served to criminalise not only those activities that are generally accepted to be terrorist in nature, but also lawful gatherings and demonstrations amongst other matters along with other forms of behaviour that, although unlawful, could not be considered terrorism (Submission to International Court of Justice Panel of Eminent Jurists on Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism Human Rights, 2006). Section 1(1) of the Act served to define terrorism as being based on the use or threat of action where (a) the action falls within subsection (2); (b) the use or threat is designed to influence the government, an international organisation or to intimidate the public; and (c) the use or threat is made to advancing a political, religi ous or ideological agenda. Under section 1(2) of the Terrorism Act 2000 it has then been recognised that action under this subsection involves (a) serious violence; (b) serious property damage; (c) the endangerment of anothers life; (d) creates a serious risk to the health or safety of the public; or (e) is designed seriously to interfere with or seriously disrupt an electronic system. The problem with the overly broad nature of the anti-terror laws put in place is they serve to trigger executive powers that are very restrictive regarding the recognition of both individuals and communities human rights under the European Convention on Human Rights 1950 (enacted domestically under the Human Rights Act 1998) often with reduced judicial oversight. Therefore, the use of such executive powers should be confined to those circumstances when such severe restrictions can truly be deemed necessary so there is a need for the laws to be narrowly drafted and proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued protecting national security rather than ostracising whole communities (Submission to International Court of Justice Panel of Eminent Jurists on Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism Human Rights, 2006). As has already been alluded to within the remit of international human rights law, any legal measures that serve to restrict the exercising of individual and community rights need to be both narrowly drafted and proportionate to what is being pursued. With this in mind, the United Nations Human Rights Committee now regularly criticises the remit of individual States efforts in this regard in view of the the broad scope of their anti-terror laws particularly those that have been enhanced since 2001 (Submission to International Court of Justice Panel of Eminent Jurists on Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism Human Rights, 2006). By way of illustration, in 2005 the United Nations Human Rights Committee criticised what was understood by terrorism under Canadian law that includes very similar elements to the UK definition under section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 for being unnecessarily broad. As a result, the United Nations Human Rights Committee recommended The State party should adopt a more precise definition of terrorist offences, so as to ensure that individuals will not be targeted on political, religious or ideological grounds, in connection with measures of prevention, investigation and detention (Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee Canada, 2005, at paragraph 12). In addition, the United Nations Human Rights Committee has also made some significant similar criticisms of what is understood by the concept of terrorism under Norwegian (Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee Norway, 2006, at paragraph 9), Icelandic (Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee Iceland, 2005, at paragraph 10), and Bahraini law (Conclusions recommendations of the Committee against Torture Bahrain, 2005, at paragraph 6(i)) amongst others so there is clearly a need for a more precise definition in the UK to avoid similar problems. To conclude, it is clear that there has been a significant impact upon Muslim communities as a result of the implementation of counter-terrorism legislation in the UK. Such a view is largely founded upon the way in which Muslims are perceived within our society leading to instances of Islamophobia so that suspicion falls on a broad range of groups and individuals whose behaviour may on the surface appear dangerous or subversive. Clearly, there can be little doubt that it is incumbent upon government policy makers to look to act to maintain national security and prevent instances of terrorism. However, there is also a significant need to prevent the alienation of the Muslim community so that it is clearly important to engage in greater depth with these groups, understand the complexities of community politics, and come to a more nuanced understanding of political mobilisation now flourishing across large parts of Muslim communities in the UK. Therefore, it is arguable increased awaren ess of the rights of individual citizens and communities will, with some notable exceptions, offer the solution to radicalisation by providing vehicles for solving the deeply entrenched problems associated with deprivation suffered by many Muslims and challenge extremist rhetoric and build community resilience along with political integration.

The Minimum Wage Should Not Be Increased :: Argumentative Persuasive Essays

"The minimum wage is something that F.D.R. put in place a long time ago during the Great Depression. I don't think it worked then. It didn't solve any problems then and it hasn't solved any problems in 50 years." -- John Raese The minimum wage in the United States was established under the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 in an effort to stabilize the economy following the Great Depression. It was designed to create a minimum standard of living by ensuring that workers could provide for the health and well being of their families. With its passage workers were legally ensured that they would receive a minimum of 25 cents for each hour worked. With each increase of the minimum pay rate ($7.75 today) there has been an increased level of debate. Such discussions have resurfaced again as the country attempts to deal with the impact of the Great Recession of 2008. Economists generally agree that minimum wage increases do not affect national employment significantly. However the size of an increase can have a dramatic impact on the employment of segments of the population, GDP, price of goods, and other measurements of productivity. From an economic perspective, mandated wages negatively impact society in the long run (all other variables being held constant); therefore we recommend that other policy measures be considered to narrow the inequality gap in our country. A review of the supply and demand curve provides the simplest explanation for our recommendation. A minimum wage is essentially a price floor for labor. If this floor is set above the current market price – as would be the case with an increase in minimum wage - the demand for workers will be reduced while the supply of workers will increase. As illustrated below the result would lead to increased unemployment. http://notatthedinnertable.weebly.com/uploads/3/4/1/1/3411210/5183225_orig.png Firms will retain more productive and higher paid workers, however lower skilled and lesser paid (those you intend to assist) will be shed. Those who lose their job will then require government benefits, such as unemployment compensation and welfare, to survive thus increasing government expenditures and debt. In the event that a firm does not fire workers the cost of the additional wages must be addressed. Typically the increased cost of doing business can be managed in two ways. The firm will transfer the increased cost to consumers by raising the selling price of its goods or

Le Morte Darthur: The Seven Deadly Sins Essay -- essays research paper

The seven deadly sins are spoken of often and frequently in every day life for that is what they are affected with. All of these sins can intertwine to form a domino effect of actions and reactions that link to all of the sins. Once one is committed, it becomes easier to fall into the others for they are all interlinked. This is prevalent in Malory's Le Morte D'Arthur as proven by the acts committed by the various characters throughout the book.When looked at as separate words, the definition of the phrase, the "seven deadly sins", becomes clearer. Starting with "seven", being the chosen number of dealings, following with "deadly", meaning fatal, proceeding to die, or to become deceased and finally "sins", wrongful doings according to religiosity. So from the breakdown of the specific words it can be said that the expression, the seven deadly sins, means that there are seven, not two, not four, but seven wrongful doings that upon execution bec ome fatal.Now that the phrase has been fully explained and hopefully understood, it is time to move on to the actual seven sins that are deadly. The first of the seven sins is greed, being the insatiate longing for or the keenly intense desire for something being of material value or not, that is usually not thought of to be achieved in an moral way. The second sin is gluttony, meaning the overindulgence in anything, great appetite for anything, such as food for example. The third sin is wrath, meaning extreme anger or feeling of vengeance. The forth sin is sloth, being severe laziness or lack of enthusiasm to do anything. The fifth sin is envy, meaning the coveting of anything that is not rightfully owned by the coveter, grudging contemplation of more fortunate people and of their advantages. The sixth sin is lechery, being sexual lust or lust for anything, to live in gluttony. The seventh, and last of the sins is pride, being the overweening opinion of one's own qualities, merits, often personified as arrogant. All of these are classified as sins because they are morally wrong and can make a person unpure.Le Morte D'Arthur is a tale of many knights and endless battles. In this legend, many of the seven deadly sins surpassed and this is what will be looked at. With the first of the sins being greed, it is evident that many of the knights committed this sin. These knights wer... ...me; fortunately Tintagil is only ten miles from here.' Merlin helps Pendragon fool Igraine into sleeping with him. He has sexual lust for her as defined in sin number six, lechery.The seventh and final sin is pride which can been seen when Gwynevere casted Launcelot out because of her foolish pride.Good Sir Launcelot, do not be discouraged! Remember that you are the greatest knight living and that many important matters at this court lie in your hands. It is well known that women are inherently changeable, and often repent of their anger. Therefore I suggest that you ride no farther than the hermitage at Wyndesore, where the good hermit Sir Brastius will care for you, and wait there until we have better tidings for you. Because of Gwynevere's foolish pride, she cannot forgive Launcelot for having to be with other women to avert the attention from his relationship with her.The seven deadly sins can ruin one's life, as it did many characters in Le Morte D'Arthur. The sins are in place to warn people of their outcome, and yet still they commit them. The seven deadly sins may not lead to immediate death, but have definite malevolent products that should be taken into account by all.

Mental Health Care for Latin Americans Essay

Abstract The Hispanic population in the United States has rapidly increased over the last decade and is underrepresented and cared for in mental health services. By understanding their culture and learning about the environment they live in therapists can better meet the patient’s needs. This paper covers Historical content, Family structure, Education, Rates of Psychiatric Disorders symptoms, and what to do as a therapist for Latino/Hispanic clients. Also discussed will be some research showing patterns of mental health changes between Hispanics that were born in America and those that were born in South America. This paper shouldn’t end your study in this area but serve as a motivator for further education. Mental Health Care for Latin Americans and Hispanic Americans When learning to counsel Latin/Hispanic Americans it is important to know a few facts about their culture and rates of mental illness. There are a few cultural bonds shared be Latin/Hispanic Americans. One of the biggest bonds is the Spanish language. The Spanish language and culture are common bonds for many Hispanic Americans, regardless of whether they trace their ancestry to Africa, Asia, Europe, or the Americas. The immigrant experience is another common bond. Nevertheless, Hispanic Americans are very heterogeneous in the circumstances of their migration and in other characteristics. To understand their mental health needs, it is important to examine both the shared and unique experiences of different groups of Hispanic Americans. One of the most distinguishing characteristics of the Hispanic/ Latin American population is its rapid growth. In the 2000 census the number of Hispanics counted rose to 35. 3 million, roughly equal to the number of African Americans (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001a). In fact, census projections indicate that by 2050, the number of Latinos will increase to 97 million; this number will constitute nearly one-fourth of the U. S. population. Projections for the proportion of Hispanic youth are even higher. It is predicted that nearly one-third of those under 19 years of age will be Hispanic by 2050 (Spencer & Hollmann, 1998). Persons of Mexican origin comprise the largest proportion of Latinos (almost two-thirds), with the remaining third distributed primarily among persons of Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Central American origin, (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001b). It is noteworthy that nearly two-thirds of Hispanics (64 %) were born in the United States (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Another common bond is migration or immigration. Puerto Ricans began arriving in large numbers on the U. S. mainland after World War II as Puerto Rico’s population increased. High unemployment among displaced agricultural workers on the island also led to large-scale emigration to the mainland United States that continued through the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1980s, the migration pattern became more circular as many Puerto Ricans chose to return to the island. One distinctive characteristic of Puerto Rican migration is that the second Organic Act, or Jones Act, of 1917 granted Puerto Ricans U. S. citizenship. Although Cubans came to the United States in the second half of the 19th century and in the early part of the 20th century, the greatest influx of Cuban immigrants began after Fidel Castro overthrew the Fulgencio Batista government in 1959. First, an elite group of Cubans came, but immigration continued with people making the dangerous crossing to the United States by makeshift watercraft (Bernal & Shapiro, 1996). Some of these immigrants, such as the educated professionals who came to the United States during the early phase of Cuban migration, have become well established, where-as others who arrived with few economic resources are less so. Unlike immigrants from several other countries, many Cubans have gained access to citizenship and federal support through their status as political refugees. Central Americans are the newest Latino subgroup in the United States. Many Central Americans fled their countries â€Å"por la situacion†, a phrase that refers to the political terror and atrocities in their homelands. Although the specific social, historical, and political contexts differ in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, conflicts in those countries led to a significant immigration of their citizens. About 21 percent of foreign-born Central Americans arrived in the United States between 1970 and 1979, and the bulk (about 70 %) arrived between 1980 and 1990 (Farias, 1994). The circumstances that caused various Hispanic groups to migrate greatly influence their experience in the United States. Cubans fled a Communist government, and, as a result, the U. S. Government has provided support through refugee or entrant status, work permits (Gil & Vega, 1996), and citizenship. More than half (51 %) of Cuban immigrants have become U. S. citizens, compared to only 15 percent of Mexican immigrants (U. S. Census Bureau, 1998). Puerto Ricans, whether born on the mainland or in Puerto Rico, are by definition U. S. citizens and, as a result, have access to government-sponsored support services. However many Central American immigrants are not recognized as political refugees, despite the fact that the war-related trauma and terror that preceded their immigration may place them at high risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and may make adjustment to their new home more difficult. Many Latinos who arrive without proper documentation have difficulty obtaining jobs or advancing in them and live with the chronic fear of deportation. Finally, many Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Central Americans, and recent Cuban immigrants come as unskilled laborers or displaced agricultural workers who lack the social and economic resources to ease their adjustment. Hispanics are highly concentrated in the U. S. Southwest In 2000, 60 percent lived in five Southwestern States (California, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Texas). Approximately half of all Hispanic Americans live in two States, California and Texas (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). While many Southwestern Latinos are recent immigrants, others are descendants of Mexican and Spanish settlers who lived in the territory before it belonged to the United States. Some of these descendants, particularly those in New Mexico and Colorado, refer to themselves as â€Å"Hispanos. † More recent immigrants from Mexico and Central America are drawn to the Southwest because of its proximity to their home countries, its employment opportunities, and its established Latino communities, which can help them, find jobs. Outside the Southwest, New York, Florida, and Illinois are home to the largest concentrations of Hispanics. New York has 8. 1 percent, Florida, 7. 6 percent, and Illinois, 4. 3 percent of all the Latinos estimated to reside in the United States in 2000 (U. S. Census Bureau, 2001b). Two-thirds of Puerto Ricans on the mainland live in New York and New Jersey, and two-thirds of Cuban Americans live in Florida (Population Reference Bureau, 2000). Although specific subgroups of Latinos are associated with specific geographical regions, important demographic shifts have resulted in the increased visibility of Latinos throughout the United States. From 1990 to 2000, Latinos more than doubled in number in the following six states: Arkansas (170 %), Nevada (145 %), North Carolina (129 %), Georgia (120 %), Nebraska (108 %), and Tennessee (105 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000c). Of the six States, Nevada is the only one located in a region with traditionally high concentrations of Latinos. Thus, in addition to growing in numbers, Hispanic Americans are spreading throughout the United States. Latinos are often referred to as family oriented (Sabogal et al. , 1987). It is important to note that familism is as much a reflection of social processes as of cultural practice (Lopez & Guarnaccia, 2000). Specifically, the shared experience of immigrating to a new land or of experiencing difficult social conditions in one’s homeland can promote adherence to family ties. In many cases, family connections facilitate survival and adjustment. The importance of family can be seen in Hispanic living arrangements. Although family characteristics vary by Latino subgroups, as a whole, Latinos, like Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, are most likely to live in family households and least likely to live alone. In addition, children (especially the females) tend to remain in the family until they marry Overall, Hispanics have less formal education than the national average. Of Latinos over 25 years of age, only 56 percent have graduated from high school, and only 11 percent have graduated from college. Nationally, 83 percent and 25 percent of the same age group have graduated from high school and college respectively (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). Hispanics’ educational attainment is related to their place of birth. In 1999, only 44 percent of foreign-born Hispanic adults 25 years and older were high school graduates, compared to 70 percent of U. S. -born Hispanic adults (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). The dropout rate for foreign-born Hispanics ages 16 to 24 is more than twice the dropout rate for U. S. -born Hispanics in the same age range (Kaufman et al. , 1999). A recent study of middle school Latino students questions why foreign-born adolescents and adults have the worst educational outcomes (C. Suarez-Orozco & M. Suarez-Orozco, 1995). The study concluded that recent immigrants from Mexico and El Salvador had at least the same, or in some cases greater motivation to achieve than white or U. S. -born Mexican American students. The educational achievement of three of the main Hispanic subgroups reveals further variability. Cubans have the highest percentage of formally educated people. Of persons over 25 years of age, 70 percent of Cuban Americans have graduated from high school, whereas 64 percent of Puerto Ricans and 50 percent of Mexican Americans have graduated from high school (U. S.Census Bureau, 2000d). Moreover, one-fourth of Cuban Americans have graduated from college, which is identical to the college graduation rate of Americans overall. In contrast, Puerto Rican and Mexican-origin adults have lower college graduation rates, 11 percent and 7 percent respectively. Although Latinos as a group have poorer educational outcomes than other ethnic groups, there is sufficient variability to offer hope for them to catch up. Another shared area is income. The economic status of three of the main subgroups parallels their educational status. Cuban Americans are more affluent in standing than Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans, as reflected in median family incomes (Cubans, $39,530; Puerto Ricans, $28,953; Mexicans, $27,883), the percentage of persons below the poverty line (Puerto Ricans, 31 %; Mexicans, 27 %; Cubans, 14 %) and the unemployment rates of persons 16 years and older (Puerto Ricans, 7 %; Mexicans, 7 %; Cubans, 5 %) (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000d). The current income levels of the Latino subgroups are also related to the political and historical circumstances of their immigration. Elite Cuban immigrants have contributed in part to the relatively strong economic status of Cuban Americans. Their experience, however, stands in stark contrast to that of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Central Americans, most of who came to the United States as unskilled laborers. Historical and Sociocultural Factors That Relate to Mental Health Historical and sociocultural factors suggest that, as a group, Latinos are in great need of mental health services. Latinos, on average, have relatively low educational and economic status. In addition, historical and social subgroup differences create differential needs within Latino groups. Central Americans may be in particular need of mental health services given the trauma experienced in their home countries. Puerto Rican and Mexican American children and adults may be at a higher risk than Cuban Americans for mental health problems, given their lower educational and economic resources. Recent immigrants of all backgrounds, who are adapting to the United States, are likely to experience a different set of stressors than long-term Hispanic residents. Key Issues for Understanding the Research Much of our current understanding of the mental health status of Latinos, particularly among adult populations, is derived from epidemiological studies of prevalence rates of mental disorders, diagnostic entities established by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The advantage of focusing on rates of disorders is that such findings can be compared with and contrasted to findings from studies in other domains (e. g. , clinical studies) using the same diagnostic criteria. Although there are several advantages to examining DSM-based clinical data, there are at least three disadvantages. One limitation is that individuals may experience considerable distress-a level of distress that disrupts their daily functioning-but the symptoms associated with the distress fall short of a given diagnostic threshold. So, if only disorder criteria are used, some individuals’ need for mental health care may not be recognized. A second disadvantage is that the current definitions of the diagnostic entities have little flexibility to take into account culturally patterned forms of distress and disorder. As a result, disorders in need of treatment may not be recognized or may be mislabeled. A third limitation is that most of the epidemiological studies using the disorder-based definitions are conducted in community household surveys. They fail to include nonhousehold members, such as persons without homes or those who reside in institutions. Because of these limitations, it is important to broaden the review of research on mental health needs to include not only studies that report on disorders but include high-need populations not usually included in household-based surveys. Mental Disorders Adults A study found that Mexican Americans and white Americans had very similar rates of psychiatric disorders (Robins & Regier, 1991). However, when the Mexican American group was separated into two sub-groups, those born in Mexico and those born in the United States, it was found that those born in the United States had higher rates of depression and phobias than those born in Mexico (Burnam et al. , 1987). The study found that relative to whites, Mexican Americans had fewer lifetime disorders overall and fewer anxiety and substance use disorders. Like some other findings, Mexican Americans born outside the United States were found to have lower prevalence rates of any lifetime disorders than Mexican Americans born in the United States. Relative to whites, the lifetime prevalence rates did not differ for Puerto Ricans, or for â€Å"Other Hispanics. † However, the sample sizes of the latter two subgroups were quite small, thus limiting the statistical power to detect group differences (Ortega et al. , 2000). A third study examined rates of psychiatric disorders in a large sample of Mexican Americans residing in Fresno County, California (Vega et al. , 1998). This study found that the lifetime rates of mental disorders among Mexican American immigrants born in Mexico were remarkably lower than the rates of mental disorders among Mexican Americans born in the United States. Overall, approximately 25 percent of the Mexican immigrants had some disorder (including both mental disorders and substance abuse), whereas 48 percent of the U. S. -born Mexican Americans had a disorder (Vega et al. , 1998). Furthermore, the length of time that these Latinos had spent in the United States appeared to be an important factor in the development of mental disorders. Immigrants who had lived in the United States for at least 13 years had higher prevalence rates of disorders than those who had lived in the United States fewer than 13 years (Vega et al. , 1998). It is interesting to note that the mental disorder prevalence rates of U. S. -born Mexican Americans closely resembled the rates among the general U.S. population. In contrast, the Mexican-born Fresno residents’ lower prevalence rates were similar to those found in a Mexico City study (e. g. , for any affective disorder: Fresno, 8 %, Mexico City, 9 %) (Caraveo-Anduaga et al. , 1999). Together, the results from the ECA, the NCS, and the Fresno studies suggest that Mexican-born Latinos have better mental health than do U. S. -born Mexican Americans and the national sample overall. A similar pattern has been found in other sets of studies. One study examined the mental health of Mexicans and Mexican Americans who were seen in family practice settings in two towns equidistant from the Mexican border (Hoppe et al. , 1991). This investigation found that 8 percent of the Mexican American participants had experienced a lifetime episode of depression, whereas only 4 percent of Mexican participants had experienced depression. The most striking finding from the set of adult epidemiological studies using diagnostic measures is that Mexican immigrants, Mexican immigrants who lived fewer than 13 years in the United States, or Puerto. Ricans who resided on the island of Puerto Rico had lower prevalence rates of depression and other disorders than did Mexican Americans who were born in the United States, Mexican immigrants who lived in the United States 13 years or more, or Puerto Ricans who lived on the mainland. This consistent pattern of findings across independent investigators, different sites, and two Latino subgroups (Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans) suggests that factors associated with living in the United States are related to an increased risk of mental disorders. Some authors have interpreted these findings as suggesting that acculturation may lead to an increased risk of mental disorders e. g. , Vega et al. , 1998. The limitation of this explanation is that none of the noted epidemiological studies directly tested whether acculturation and prevalence rates are indeed related. At best, place of birth and numbers of years living in the United States are proxy measures of acculturation. However, acculturation is a complex process (LaFromboise et al. , 1993); it is not clear what aspect or aspects of acculturation could be related to higher rates of disorders. Is it the changing cultural values and practices, the stressors associated with such changes, or negative encounters with American institutions (e. g. , schools or employers) that cause some of the different prevalence rates (Betancourt & Lopez, 1993)? Before acculturation can be accepted as an explanation for this observed pattern of findings, it is important that direct tests of specific acculturation processes be carried out and that alternative explanations for these findings be ruled out. More research would be especially helpful in identifying the key predictors of Latinos’ mental health and mental illness. Older Adults Few studies have examined the mental health status of older Hispanic American adults. A study of 703 Los Angeles area Hispanics age 60 or above found over 26 percent had major depression or dysphoria. Depression was related to physical health; only 5. 5 percent of those without physical health complications reported depression (Kemp et al. , 1987). Similar findings associated chronic health conditions and disability with depressive symptoms in a sample of 2,823 older community-dwelling Mexican Americans (Black et al. , 1998). The findings from in-home interviews of 2,723 Mexican Americans age 65 or older in Southwestern communities revealed a relationship between low blood pressure and higher levels of depressive symptomatology (Stroup-Benham et al. , 2000). These data are somewhat difficult to interpret. Given the fact that somatic symptoms (e. g. , difficulty sleeping and loss of appetite) are related to poor health, these studies could simply document that these somatic symptoms are elevated among older Hispanics who are ill. On the other hand, presence of physical illness is also related to depression. Taken together, these findings indicate that older Latin/Hispanics who have health problems may be at risk for depression. Furthermore, a recent study suggests that the risk for Alzheimer’s disease may be higher among Latin/Hispanic Americans than among white Americans (Tang et al. , 1998). Symptoms The early epidemiological studies of Latinos/Hispanics examined the number of symptoms, not the number of mental disorders, reported by groups of Latin/ Hispanic Americans, and in some cases compared them to the number of symptoms reported by white Americans. Much of this research found that Latinos/Hispanics had higher rates of depression or distress than whites Frerichs et al. , 1981. In a large-scale study of Latin/ Hispanics Americans, Cuban Americans (Narrow et al. , 1990) and Mexican Americans (Moscicki et al. , 1989) were found to have lower rates of depressive symptoms than Puerto Ricans from the New York City metropolitan area Moscicki et al. , 1987; Potter et al. , 1995. In another line of inquiry, Latin/Hispanic American mothers who have children with mental retardation were found to report high levels of depressive symptomatology. It is important to note that measures of symptoms may reflect actual disorders that may not be measured in a given study, as well as general distress associated with social stressors but not necessarily associated with disorders. Two studies provide evidence that depressive symptom indices used with Latinos tend to measure distress more than disorder. In one study, rates of depressive symptoms were found to be similar among poor Puerto Ricans living in New York City and in Puerto Rico (Vera et al. , 1991), even though earlier analyses indicated different rates of major depression for the two samples Canino et al., 1987; Moscicki et al. , 1987. In the second study, symptoms of depression were less related to diagnosis of depression for those Hispanics who were economically disadvantaged than for those Hispanics more socially advantaged (Cho et al. , 1993). If an index of depressive symptoms were an indicator of both general distress and disorder, then that index would have been related to a diagnosis of depression for both economically advantaged and disadvantaged samples. Culture-Bound Syndromes DSM-IV recognizes the existence of culturally related syndromes, referred to in the appendix of DSM as culture-bound syndromes. Relevant examples of these syndromes for Latin/Hispanic Americans are â€Å"susto† (fright), â€Å"nervios† (nerves), and â€Å"mal de ojo† (evil eye). One expression of distress that is most commonly associated with Caribbean Latinos but has been recognized in other Latinos as well is â€Å"ataques de nervios† (Guarnaccia et al. , 1989). Symptoms of an ataque de nervios include screaming uncontrollably, crying, trembling, and verbal or physical aggression. Dissociative experiences, seizure-like or fainting episodes, and suicidal gestures are also prominent in some ataques. In one study carried out in Puerto Rico, researchers found that 14 percent of the population reported having had ataques (Guarnaccia et al. , 1993). Furthermore, in detailed interviews of 121 individuals living in Puerto Rico (78 of who had had an ataque), experiencing these symptoms was related to major life problems and subsequent psychological suffering (Guarnaccia et al. , 1996). There is value in identifying specific culture-bound syndromes such as ataques de nervios because it is critical to recognize the existence of conceptions of distress and illness outside traditional psychiatric classification systems. These are often referred to as popular, lay, or common sense conceptions of illness or illness behavior (Koss-Chioino & Canive, 1993). Some of these popular conceptions may have what appear to be definable boundaries, while others are more fluid and cut across a wide range of symptom clusters. For example, many people of Mexican origin apply the more general concept of nervios to distress that is not associated with DSM disorders, as well as to distress that is associated with anxiety disorders, depressive disorders (Salgado de Snyder et al., 2000), and schizophrenia (Jenkins, 1988). Though it is valuable for researchers and clinicians alike to learn about specific culture-bound syndromes, it is more important that they assess variable local representations of illness and distress. The latter approach casts a wider net around understanding the role of culture in illness and distress. In the following quote, Koss-Chioino (1992) (page 198) points out that a given presenting problem can have multiple levels of interpretation: the mental health view, the folk healing view (in this case, spiritist), and the patient’s view. The same woman, during one episode of illness, may experience â€Å"depression† in terms of hallucinations, poor or excessive appetite, memory problems, and feelings of sadness or depression, if she presents to a mental health clinic; or, alternatively, in terms of â€Å"backaches,† â€Å"leg aches,† and â€Å"fear,† if she attends a Spiritist session. However, she will probably experience headaches, sleep disturbances, and nervousness regardless of the resource she uses. If we encounter her at the mental health clinic, she may explain her distress as due to disordered or out-of-control mind, behavior, or lifestyle. In the Spiritist session she will probably have her distress explained as an â€Å"obsession. † And if we encounter her before she seeks help from either of these treatment resources, she may describe her problems as due to difficulties with her husband or children. Individuals with Alcohol and Drug Problems Studies have consistently shown that rates of substance abuse are linked with rates of mental disorders (Kessler et al. , 1996). Most studies of alcohol use among Hispanics indicate that rates of use are either similar to or slightly below those of whites (Kessler et al. , 1994). However, two factors influence these rates. First, gender differences in rates of Latinos’ use are often greater than the gender differences observed between whites. Latinas are particularly unlikely to use alcohol or drugs (Gilbert, 1987). In some cases, Latino men are more likely to use substances than white men. For example, in the Los Angeles ECA study, Mexican American men (31 %) had significantly higher rates of alcohol abuse and dependence than non-Hispanic white men (21 %). In addition, more alcohol-related problems have been found among Mexican American men than among white men (Cunradi et al., 1999). A second factor associated with Latinos’ rates of substance abuse is place of birth. In the Fresno study (Vega et al. , 1998), rates of substance abuse were much higher among U. S. -born Mexican Americans compared to Mexican immigrants. Specifically, substance abuse rates were seven times higher among U. S. -born women compared to immigrant women. For men, the ratio was 2 to 1. U. S. -born Mexican American youth also had higher rates of substance abuse than Mexican-born youth (Swanson et al. , 1992). The study of mental disorders and substance abuse among Latinos suggests two specific types of strengths that Latinos may have. First, as noted, Latino adults who are immigrants have lower prevalence rates of mental disorders than those born in the United States. Among the competing explanations of these findings is that Latino immigrants may be particularly resilient in the face of the hardships they encounter in settling in a new country. If this is the case, then the identification of what these immigrants do to reduce the likelihood of mental disorders could be of value for all Americans. One of many possible factors that might contribute to their resilience is what Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (1995) refer to as a â€Å"dual frame of reference. † Investigators found that Latino immigrants in middle-school frequently used their families back home as reference points in assessing their lives in the United States. Given that the social and economic conditions are often much worse in their homelands than in the United States, they may experience less distress in handling the stressors of their daily lives than those who lack such a basis of comparison. U. S. -born Latinos are more likely to compare themselves with their peers in the United States. Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco argue that these Latino children are more aware of what they do not have and thus may experience more distress. A second factor noted by the Suarez-Orozcos that might be related to the resilience of Latino immigrants is their high aspiration to succeed. Particularly noteworthy is that many Latinos want to succeed in order to help their families, rather than for their own personal benefit. Because the Suarez-Orozcos did not include measures of mental health, it is not certain whether their observations about school achievement apply to mental health. Nevertheless, a dual frame of reference and collective achievement goals are part of a complex set of psychological, cultural, and social factors that may explain why some Latino immigrants function better than Latinos of later generations. A second type of strength noted in the literature is how Latino families cope with mental illness. Guarnaccia and colleagues (1992) found that some families draw on their spirituality to cope with a relative’s serious mental illness. Strong beliefs in God give some family members a sense of hope. For example, in reference to her brother’s mental illness, one of the informants commented: We all have an invisible doctor that we do not see, no? This doctor is God. Always when we go in search of a medicine, we go to a doctor, but we must keep in mind that this doctor is inspired by God and that he will give us something that will help us. We must also keep in mind that who really does the curing is God, and that God can cure us of anything that we have, material or spiritual. (p. 206) Jenkins (1988) found that many Mexican Americans attributed their relatives’ schizophrenia to nervios, a combination of both physical and emotional ailments. An important point here is that nervios implies that the patient is not blameworthy, and thus family members are less likely to be critical. Previous studies from largely non-Hispanic samples have found that both family criticism and family blame and criticism together (Lopez et al., 1999) are associated with relapse in patients with schizophrenia. Mexican American families living with a relative who has schizophrenia are not only less likely to be critical, but also those who are Spanish-speaking immigrants have been found to be high in warmth. This is important because those patients who returned from a hospital stay to a family high in warmth were less likely to relapse than those who returned to families low in warmth. Thus, Mexican American families’ warmth may help protect the relative with schizophrenia from relapse. The spirituality of Latino families, their conceptions of mental illness and their warmth all contribute to the support they give in coping with serious mental illness. Although limited, the attention given to Latinos’ possible strengths is an important contribution to the study of Latino mental health. Strengths are protective factors against distress and disorder and can be used to develop interventions to prevent mental disorders and to promote well-being. Such interventions could be used to inform interventions for all Americans, not just Latinos. In addition, redirecting attention to strengths helps point out the overemphasis researchers and practitioners give to pathology, clinical entities, and treatment, rather than to health, well-being, and prevention. Availability of Mental Health Services Finding mental health treatment from Spanish-speaking providers is likely to be a problem for many Spanish-speaking Hispanics. In the 1990 census, about 40 percent of Latinos reported that they either didn’t speak English or didn’t speak English well. Thus, a significant proportion of Latinos need. Spanish-speaking mental health care providers. Presently there are no national data to indicate the language skills of the Nation’s mental health professionals. However, a few studies reveal that there are few Spanish-speaking and Latino providers. One survey of 1,507 school psychologists who carry out psychoeducational assessments of bilingual children in the eight States with the highest percentages of Latinos found that 43 percent of the psychologists identified themselves as English-speaking monolinguals (Ochoa et al. , 1996). In other words, a large number of Engli.